Thanks for embedding a confirmation of what people have been saying to you, deep within what you quoted.
Regardless, it's quite an accomplishment to have found an editorial from which you could trim enough out of to totally insulate those, who wish to deny the existence of increasing economic injustice, from acknowledging that which was actually included in one of the paragraphs from the editorial, a paragraph which you conveniently omitted:The first hint of this deflection in the excerpts of the editorial was how practically all of what you quoted talked about income growth and mobility, of the middle class, without addressing the actual point made, the distance between rich and poor - so a double deflection... deflecting away from addressing poverty, and obscuring as much as practicable the absolute difference between top and bottom. It is very common for those who try to deny the trend toward increasing economic injustice to try to get the middle class, especially the upper middle class, to think only about themselves, to become utterly self-centered, because a more socially-conscious perspective would tend to undercut the deflection away from the worst part of the problem.The CBO data also show, however, that the top quintile did much better than everyone else. From 1979 to 2010, the average after-tax income of the top 1% increased by 201%, to $1,013,100 from $337,700. The top 1% also took home almost 13% of all after-tax income in 2010. (Many of these families, though, are not ultrarich, as the starting pretax income for the 1% in 2011 was $388,905.)
The second hint of this was that what you quoted factored in the value of public assistance, to inflate the economic status of the poor. That adjustment, of course, is rather the point. Remember, the point of raising concerns about economic injustice is to point out the increasingly one-sided power-structure, fostered by wealth-driven power. In the context of rabid calls to attack public assistance, as part of an overall antipathy for poverty amelioration for the poor and lower-middle class, comparisons that need to factor in the value of public assistance actually make the opposite point: In other words, if those defending the current state of economic stratification need to defend against charges of economic injustice by saying, "Hey look - these people don't have it so bad, because society provides them lots of financial assistance," then that ratifies, and makes into an imperative, society providing lots of financial assistance to the poor and lower-middle class.
And even if they'd admit that (which they won't), it still is a patently offensive attitude: "Let us hold the strings on these puppets who's desperation we wish to exploit; let us keep tugging away at the foundation of the social safety net (even though we've used it, above, to rationalize how things are) as a means of incrementally making things worse for those most vulnerable in society while making things better for ourselves and those supporters in the middle and upper-middle class that we can convert to abject self-interest."
The objective isn't to increase the disposable income of folks who already have disposable income, which is what you're measuring when you measure a broad average of disposable income. All that metric does is obscure the harm inflicted on those who have little or no disposable income. Rather, the point is to increase the number of people who have significant disposable income. Economic injustice doesn't go away just because an upper-middle class person can afford a new car instead of buying used. It goes away when everyone can afford to pay their own way for the basics they need, and when everyone secure their own futures, preferably without relying on public assistance.
There have been substantially more thorough and balanced perspectives expressed than that Neil Gilbert. Paul Krugman's confirmation of Piketty's premises is probably the best (although, in reality, Piketty's work stands on its own, if people are willing to allow themselves to acknowledge its conclusions instead of insulating themselves from having to face realities that undercut the legitimacy of their own desires).
http://www.nybooks.com/articles/arch...ew-gilded-age/
Even though Piketty's work is relatively recent, much of what he put forward has been known for years. I can point to comments of my own that go back a number of years, similar to how Krugman summarized one of Piketty's conclusions:And the parallel between today's reality in the United States and the economic stratification in Europe just before is chilling.... a dramatic shift in the process of US economic growth, one that started around 1980. Before then, families at all levels saw their incomes grow more or less in tandem with the growth of the economy as a whole. After 1980, however, the lion’s share of gains went to the top end of the income distribution, with families in the bottom half lagging far behind.
I'm not going to rehash the entirety of the basis of Piketty's work and Krugman's summary of it. It's all there, in the provided link, including the equivocations.



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